The Urban Church Imagined by Jessica M. Barron Rhys H. Williams

Author:Jessica M. Barron, Rhys H. Williams [Jessica M. Barron, Rhys H. Williams]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Religion, General, Social Science, Sociology of Religion
ISBN: 9781479877669
Google: r803DwAAQBAJ
Publisher: NYU Press
Published: 2017-11-28T05:24:57+00:00

Divided by Diversity

In the second form of racial process, the conception of racial diversity, and the practices of managed diversity, complicate members’ capacity to become integrated into the organizational community. Previous research on multiracial congregations claims that multiracial networks are equitable exchanges between white and non-white members (Emerson and Yancey 2008; Hunt and Hunt 2001). Multiracial spaces can also support minorities in transcending their racial identity in order to become a part of the larger spiritual community (Marti 2008, 2009). However, at Downtown Church, many of the volunteers understand the usefulness of black bodies for church leaders seeking to promote the congregation, creating a dynamic in which racial and ethnic transcendence is much less likely. Conversely, Downtown Church communicates no ecclesial call to pursue racial diversity in their services, materials, or leadership meetings, leaving little room for discussion or accountability. As we have seen, Becker (1998) attributes the “problem of race” in building religious communities to the lack of a discursive space where people can talk about their discomfort. For the members of Downtown Church, a discursive space is not provided. Instead, discussions of race are suppressed by the visible representation of its black members and a focus on individuals within a default white Protestant religious culture. It is often noted that when a church is confronted with infrastructural changes centered on the incorporation of culturally distinctive styles of worship, congregations become resistant (Ammerman 1997; Becker 1998, 1999). This notion is consistent with Edwards’s conclusion that “Interracial churches remain racially integrated to the extent that they are first comfortable places for Whites to attend” (2008:6). The pastoral staff of Downtown Church is adamant that they do not want their church to “go that way” or become a “black church.” Therefore, they are fairly inflexible about their stance that the congregation’s religious practices and rituals mirror the preferences of the white pastoral staff—implicitly privileging whiteness and white normative styles of worship.

Furthermore, when integrating racial minorities into predominantly white spaces, racial diversity does not often affect the core culture and practices of these organizations (Berrey 2011; Bell and Hartmann 2007; Collins 2011; Edwards 2008). Instead, racial diversity is often treated as an addendum to the overarching organizational structure and is sparingly addressed (Marti 2012; Marvasti and McKinney 2011). As Marti (2012) discusses the relationship between music and race in the church setting, he asks whether diverse music can be the gateway to facilitating a racially diverse congregation. In the reverse, one could ask, is the resistance or refusal to incorporate racially associated styles of worship music an indicator of a church’s stance on racial integration? Like other organizations, many evangelical congregations remain structurally ambivalent about the process of integration and therefore are less successful in achieving racial diversity beyond visual representation (Collins 2011; Edwards 2008; Marvasti and McKinney 2011).

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